I was of course speaking colloquially, but you're right, it's important to watch our terms when they could mean something else in a given context.GE Morton wrote: ↑June 26th, 2022, 7:37 pm You're mis-using the term "packed" there. In this context it means increasing the number of justices on the Court, not nominating or confirming justices one perceives as friendly to one's own political views. Federal judges are selected by politicians; hence political considerations in their selections are inevitable. There is some difference in the criteria applied by most Presidents in nominations and by the Senate in confirmations. The Senate, by and large, pays more heed to objective criteria and less to political leanings than does the President. All the justices currently on the Court, except Thomas, received "well-qualified" ratings from the ABA. Thomas was rated "qualified."
I understand that, but I'm arguing that it isn't that simple. Surely the writers couldn't have anticipated a device that would rapidly allow a person to mow down a room full of people within seconds, so all of a sudden we do have to interpret what they would have meant by "tools that are useful and effective for self-defense."GE Morton wrote:"Originalism" doesn't refer to terms denoting particular technologies; it refers to the meanings of legal and moral principles and the terms in which they're expressed. E.g., the right of free speech is the right to publicly express and communicate one's thoughts, whether via a street corner soapbox, a printed flyer, or a radio station or the Internet. The right to keep and bear arms refers to the right to whatever tools are useful and effective for self-defense. In the latter, it is the term "right" which "originalism" demands retain its original meaning, not the term "arms."
Somehow I don't think when the writers wrote "well-regulated militia" they originally meant for individual citizens to have the power to mow down classrooms in the palms of their hands.
Somebody has to be responsible for determining what's necessary for "self-defense" and what a "well-regulated militia" is, right? For instance is there anybody that thinks private citizens owning a nuclear weapon (should they somehow be able to pull this off) is protected by the Second Amendment if it's technology-neutral?
I'm not even against firearm ownership per se, I'm thankful that my roommate (who is a very responsible person with it) has one because I do feel safer that he does. So I'm not making these comments out of an anti-gun crusade or anything. I just think that either originalism is a hopeless endeavor or wouldn't go the way people would probably want it to go if we were going to interpret a "well-regulated militia" the way the writers probably intended.
Now, maybe I'm ignorant. I shouldn't say maybe, I am ignorant. I'm not a historian. I am sort of shooting from the hip here, but what do you think the founders might have meant when they said "well-regulated militia," what would that have meant in 1791? I just have a hard time believing that they would have heard a time traveler from today say, "Yeah, people own death sticks that can wipe out 30 people by holding down a button and making a sweeping motion" and they would have said "oh, sure, that sounds exactly like what we're meaning to protect here." Why does it seem so absurd?
To reiterate, not trying to turn this into a gun debate. Just focusing on why "originalist" courts seem like they just find whatever interpretation they want.
So you're right, but that's also not quite what I was saying.GE Morton wrote: Embracing a political or moral theory or principle doesn't imply emulating the exponents of those theories or principles. Indeed, rejecting a theory or principle because one disapproves of some behaviors of its author is a fallacious ad hominem argument.
I wasn't saying, "The writers owned other people, therefore their ideas on states' rights should be seen as undesirable."
I was saying something like, "The writers had ideas rooted in and reflecting a completely different world than we exist in today, therefore we should question the wisdom of using their world as a litmus test for what the federal government can do in our world." I don't think it's a very good system to ask "what would a person from the 1780's think about this modern problem?"
I think we can ask questions like, "if I took the abstraction of what this person from the 1780's was getting at (what values they were laying down, what kind of limits they were concerned with, etc.), what might they think about this modern issue if they were alive today?" But I think that's more political than people are willing to admit, yet I think that's exactly what is happening anyway. I'm saying why not drop the pretense?